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July 13, 2011 |  7 comments |  Print  Your Opinion  

Topic Conflict Is Virtually Inevitable

Greg Randolph Lawson: Between China’s growing military expenditures and its aggressive stands over certain territory in the South China Sea along with concerns over an inwardly focused United States, there is a sense that the balance of power in East Asia is shifting.

There is a great deal of fear emerging in both the United States and East Asian nations such as Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam over a recently assertive China. Barring a fundamental transformation in the way international relations has always worked, the anarchical "state of nature" described by Thomas Hobbes and the theory of Realism indicate that conflict with China is virtually inevitable.

There are also those that dismiss these fears.  They indicate China is unlikely to ever engage in overly dangerous behavior and that any current bellicosity will moderate in time as China becomes further enmeshed in the global economic order.  These dismissals, however, miss a key point.  The point is not what China will do in the immediate future.  The real point is what will China COULD do in the future.

Fear is not based upon a certainty of what will occur, but upon the uncertainty of what might occur and make no mistake; fear and interest are perpetual drivers of human activity.  They are the stuff of which history is comprised.

The fundamental problem of international relations is its anarchical nature. Whether one is a "classical realist" in the Morgenthau mould or a "structural realist" in the Waltz mould, anarchy is the core problem that frames how all states interact with each other.  At the end of the day, there is no transnational, "global cop" or global Leviathan that can enforce international law. Indeed, force is the ultimate arbiter of international relations. Always has been and always will be.

Law and the "institutionalization" of law by embedding states into a legal framework is effective only so long as more interests are served than harmed and a real balance of power is achieved. When the balance shifts, institutions atrophy and become largely irrelevant from a practical standpoint.  While they may manage to retain some amount of symbolic value, their inability to act in a concrete fashion fundamentally inhibits their usefulness.  This is because law is an agreed upon code of conduct.  When agreement falters and compromise is no longer possible for one side or both sides, what is left to enforce a given claim?  As Mao himself bluntly stated, "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun." This is truly a Hobbesian State of Nature.

As a given nation's economic clout grows, interests inevitably expand and run into those interests of others once they become large enough.

China’s interests are now quite large. While it appears that it seeks to negotiate outcomes within the current global trading order for the most part, China’s aforementioned actions in the South China Sea showcase a more "Westphalian" as opposed to "Kantian" notion of international relations.

These actions are most likely taken for the same reason analogous actions have always been taken.  Namely, because at a certain point, a once advantageous law will become a straitjacket.  At that point, law takes the back seat and interest is pursued by whatever is the most efficacious means.

This process ALWAYS happens. It happened to Athens. It happened to Rome. It has happened every time a European power sought hegemony in Europe. It happened as the U.S. expanded its continental territory long before engaging in World Wars. It happened to a certain degree already with various previous dynasties in China.

This brings us full circle, for this same process is now happening (again) with China. The fears mentioned at the outset are thus not overhyped. It doesn't matter what the present leadership of China wants, or even the next generation. China’s capabilities are what count. As various military capabilities are enhanced, subtle hedging becomes essential.  Fear begins to begat further fear and the vicious cycle of the past reasserts its seemingly inexorable logic.

History teaches by inexact analogies, so the future could be different, perhaps, amazingly different from the past.  Yet, a reasonable statesman must, by virtue of their position, assume that the vicissitudes of fortune will impact them in ways similar to their predecessors.

China’s rise is but merely the latest rise to instill fear due to the very nature of the world we live in.

Greg Randolph Lawson is the Director of Communications for a US based political advocacy organization and is a life-long observer of political and foreign affairs.

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Tags: | China's Rise |
 
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Unregistered User

July 14, 2011

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Mr. Lawson,
Your call to arms against China is ill advised. You find comfort in Mao' s expression that
" political power grows out of the barrel of a gun", but you know he learned fast, that without a manufacturing base he was running out of ammunition.
You know you are not doing America any favors. Look at one US economist who once publicly
said referring to our trade deficit with China," China gives us goods and services and
we just give them paper and bonds". This was the beginning of our problem.
But let's have a reality check and take off our discriminatory blinders on China:
It is quite presumptuous to parade in front of people big name philosophers and philosophies
of the small band of a Judeo-Christian population and assume it's applicable to China.
The reason men find China strange, because it is the only large region of the earth where
Western man has never ruled. During the nineteenth century, China was semicolonized not by one, but half a dozen foreign powers. The country was exposed to endless profiteering.
China was not so much colonized as cannibalized by foreign powers, who were determined to
stake out huge and hugely profitable spheres of influence----at gunpoint if necessary.
However the dynastic lineage remained. The analog between state and the family is called the dynastic cycle and explains politics in terms of commonly observed facts of human society.
The Chinese have always been in China and have no tradition of migration or of
colonization of the country.-------
Mr. Lawson, we cannot continue and camouflage our quite serious problems.
We know how to fix them and China is willing to go along with us for the better of both
America and China. But military confrontation is no option.
It is very dangerous to keep on promoting functional illiteracy, especially in foreign affairs.
In addition, our diplomatic activities with disposable autocrats certainly does not help
our credibility.
It is not a football game where offense is the best defense.

HRF



Tags: | tx |
 
Greg Randolph Lawson

July 14, 2011

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HRF:

I appreciate your comments. First, I should mention my initial title for this piece was China's Rise is But the Latest to Breed Fear in Anarchial World." I suspect the change made by the editors may have added a somewhat unintended edge. To that extent, I would take issue with the "call to arms" reference at least to the extent that mine is far from a full throated call to aggression.

The situation I describe in my op-ed is tragic, but it is tragic for the same reason previous variants of the cycle of the rise and fall of great powers has always been tragic. Fear, honor and interest, the Thucydidean triangle, are not purely Western or Eastern, they are universal. Yes, there are various cultural differences, but stripping most of this aside, how different was Mao from the founder of the first unified Chinese state, Qin Shi Huang Ti? As Kissinger mentions in his new tome, On China, Mao was much like Qin Shi Huang Ti and even admired him. Both were stern leaders that unified a fractious nation but at a significant cost. Analogously, they are similar to Western leaders like an Alexander, Augustus or Charlemagne. Obviously, there are distinctions, but the point here is to note that we are talking about commonality across cultural boundaries.

There seems, in this era of globalization, to be a view that economics and "transcendent" issues like global warming will bring mankind together into something approximating the Kantian notion of cosmopolitanism. I reject this as being obvious. These are idealistic notions that are very much embedded in the Western philosophical tradition, especially the modern tradition. However, over the course of millenia, they're lifespan has thus far been the blink of an eye. To relegate the wisdom of past ages which counsels prudence to the ash heap of history seems more likely to produce folly than positive "win-win" outcomes.

I agree that the 19th and 20th centuries were abject disasters for China. From the Opium Wars and the Boxer Rebellion to the Japanese Invasion to the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, China suffered greatly due to Western imperialism (and Japanese) and due to their own internal decisions.

With that in mind, I do take China quite seriously on its own historical terms and have a great deal of empathy for their position. There is very little that China could ever do that I would not anticipate and understand. Indeed, it would be surprising if their "Century of Humiliation" did not leave China with a certain desire for respect, even the respect that comes from Mao's proverbial gun.

Yet, therein lies the real challenge. China today is quite clearly staking out positions similar to European imperial powers of yore and previous American positions. Is not China's recent actions in the South China Sea very similar to a proto-Monroe Doctrine? Clearly it is not formal and it is still possible it will transition into something less threatening, Yet there is a reason other nations in East Asia are asking for American assurances that they will not be left to fend for themselves as China advances and makes potential claims.

The point in all of this IS NOT to assert a military altercation is desirable. It is also NOT to even assert that military conflict will be inevitable. It is simply to reassert that hedging is prudent and not be taken aback by some of the positioning that is necessary in these uncertain times of great power transition and diffusion.

To be prepared for the possibility of conflict is not to welcome it. Rather, it is to refuse to wear the faddish ideological blinders of any given moment in time. I suspect that Chinese leadership is largely thinking along the same lines. They would be ill advised not to. Indeed, perhaps, it is only if both sides think along these lines that conflict can actually be avoided by making the fear of a conflict so palpable that reasonable leaders on both sides maintain an adequate sense of proportion as to what they can and cannot accomplish, or at least accomplish at an acceptable price.

Your points are understandable. I agree we cannot camoflage our problems, but neither can we assume the laws of history, such as they have been discerned, will suddenly stopped.
 
Unregistered User

July 14, 2011

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Mr. Greg Randolph Lawson,

Your response is certainly appreciated. The cautions you introduced for " times of great power
transition and diffusion" are most significant.
In the 12th century Chinese philosopher Cbu Hsi believed in the perfectibility of man
through education.
With this dictum, that knowledge leads to virtue and virtue to the sudden revelation of universal truth, -----in the context of these cautions, the question remains, whether humankind
can accept the truth or better, is prepared to accept the truth.
Thank you.

HRF
Tags: | tx |
 
Bernhard  Lucke

July 15, 2011

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Thank you for this article Mr. Lawson, and I too regret that your title was changed into a "call to the arms".

Given the current economic boom and fast development in China, but with so much still to be done, I think it is certain that China has absolutely no reason to start any kind of war. China's very best interest is keeping the status quo and continuing growth.

The "rise" of China is relative: you could see this partially as decline of U.S. power. As a natural consequence of it growing economic, military, and political power China's influence in South East Asia will grow. So if the current trend continues, it will be China and not the U.S. who dominates the region in 50 years.

Whether you perceive this as a problem or not depends very much on your point of view. China may not offer the individual freedom which people enjoy in the U.S., but it will provide stability and I think Chinese hegemony would be culturally quite acceptable in South East Asia.

Hegemony has benefits, which range from easy access to resources to cultural dominance, and I would argue that losing such a position is much harder to swallow than just acquiring it by "natural" growth. In this context, war might appear to make sense for the U.S. point of view, and will be fueled by concepts of "cultural superiority". From my very European perspective, my fear is that the U.S. will move itself into a trap similar to the one where the European nations found themselves during the world wars.

After two lost wars in Iraq and Afghanistan (or at least, after investing so much for achieving so little), and with a crumbling economy and huge structural problems, it would not be wise to confront a nation like China that would be a very different enemy than Iraq or the Taliban. It might be tempting for the elites responsible for the failures of the past decade to blaim other nations, and to start a war in order to prevent further "loss" of power. But we should not even imagine the consequences.

So thank you for your article, you are very right that fear is a very bad advisor, and how dangerous anarchy in politics is. Adolf Hitler believed in the right of the strongest, too, and this is why Europeans try so hard to establish some kind of international law to hold everyone responsible. Unfortunatley, I know no other means how to maintain a civilized living together and to design situations where power can be ceded in a peaceful way that is acceptable to all.
 
Victoria  Naselskaya

July 18, 2011

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Dear Mr. Greg Randolph Lawson, Mr. Reuther-Fix and Mr. Lucke,

As a contribution to your discussion, you might be interested in reading an interview of Atlantic Community member Dr. van der Putten, which we have recently published here http://www.atlantic-community.org/index/Global_Must_Read_Article/Dr...

In this interview he explains possible implications of China’s military rise on transatlantic security and tells about perspectives for Chinese-Western cooperation.
Tags: | China | US-China relations |
 
Niklas  Anzinger

July 19, 2011

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Mr. Lawson,

I very much appreciate you presenting your point of view from a non-compromising realist perspective. I often do so and am very much criticized for that. As Robert Kagan said:

"[Europe is] moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. It is entering a post-historical paradise of peace and relative prosperity, the realization of Immanuel Kant’s “perpetual peace.” Meanwhile, the United States remains mired in history, exercising power in an anarchic Hobbesian world where international laws and rules are unreliable, and where true security and the defense and promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might."

This is perhaps the very reason, why Mr. Lucke does not understand your claim - it is a different paradigm which looks at the world from a different perspective.
 
Unregistered User

July 26, 2011

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The author of this article uses source such as Henry Kissinger as a reliable source and somehow this should bolster the author's political or cultural understanding of Asia. Kissinger was not a smart politician or the negotiator but rather a ruthless war criminal that was supporting corrupt and ruthless regime while spreading the democracy with the barrel of the gun. Kissinger's actions let to death of millions Vietnamese and American lives.

Here the author is advocating that the Kissinger like policies in Asia would work again. It is beyond comprehension that the author would align future Asian political strategy with Kissinger's past policies. It is most likely that the author of this article never spent considerable time in China or other Asian developing countries to understand the culture and the values people in China hold important. Most likely that this author learned all about the world from home and his univeristy text books. It is good to read about topics of interests but it is also good to broaden your selection of reading resource material.

The author states "There is very little that China could ever do that I would not anticipate and understand". This is an example of author's clear lack of vision, enormous display of arrogance and future political hopefuls insulting citizen's intelligence and common sense.

The advice to the author is to get out of his own bubble and spend a year or two in the countries that he is writing about.
 

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