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October 4, 2010 |  6 comments |  Print  Your Opinion  

Millennium Development Goals: Focus on Fragile and Post-Conflict States

Megan M Gleason: Moving forward from the recent summit to review the Millennium Development Goals, held in New York in September 2010, requires a new focus on the group furthest from achieving them - fragile and post-conflict countries.

From September 20th to the 22nd, world leaders gathered at the United Nations Headquarters in New York to assess progress and challenges in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Adopted at the Millennium Summit in 2000, the eight goals represent a global commitment to reducing poverty and improving the lives of citizens in poor countries including through improved education and health.

These goals are unique - unlike many summits and partnerships, they committed governments to specific and clear targets to be achieved by 2015. However, in the lead-up to the Summit it became clear that many of the identified targets would not be met in the next five years, despite real progress in several areas. Of particular concern is the group furthest from achieving the MDGs, fragile and post-conflict countries.

What distinguishes so-called fragile states from other low-income countries? These are the countries struggling with the legacy of conflict, and hampered by weak government legitimacy in addition to chronic poverty, particularly pervasive in fragile states. According to the World Bank, 54 percent of the population in fragile countries lives in poverty, compared to an average of 22 percent for all low-income countries. A recent report by the Center on Global Development identifies the ‘MDG laggards,' those furthest from achieving the goals. As the report notes, "Not surprisingly, the list of MDG laggards consists mainly of post-conflict countries or fragile states." Eight of the twelve currently have UN peacekeeping operations, one of the clearest signs of fragility.

This is no surprise. Racked by often cyclical violence, the institutions of government and their ability to deliver services is often severely weakened or destroyed. Limited infrastructure and, frequently, corruption and poor governance pose significant obstacles to the realization of the MDGs, as the basic foundations for development are missing.

In fact, the preeminence of the MDGs as a guide for aid to fragile and post-conflict countries is questionable. In the group of fragile states, not one has achieved even a single MDG. The emphasis by international aid and development institutions on achievement of the MDGs has also shifted attention - and financing - away from other, urgent needs in fragile states. This reality challenges long-held assumption about development, raising the question of whether these are the right - or the only - global goals for this set of particularly vulnerable countries.

Recognition of this incongruence has led to efforts to supplement the MDGs with specific goals for post-conflict countries. In Afghanistan, a ninth goal - security - was adopted after Afghan citizens identified insecurity as their greatest challenge, underscoring that basic security is a prerequisite for achieving the MDGs. In 2010, the International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding, which brings together representatives from fragile states, donors, and international aid and development organizations, identified a set of goals for post-conflict countries "as stepping stones to achieve progress on development" that could serve as the foundation for further articulation of peacebuilding and statebuilding goals. As the Minister of Finance in Timor-Leste, Emilia Pires, recently noted at a side event to the MDG Summit on fragile states, "Aid is given based on MDG criteria, and from our experience we have found out that before we can get the MDGs, we have to do a few things first. We have to have peace and stability."

Debates in the lead-up to Summit saw a divide between those advocating for a particular focus on the least developed countries and those in favor of additional focus on middle-income countries that have demonstrated progress towards the MDGs.Institutional support has either sought to focus on those areas that have demonstrated results, or those that are most in need. However, these distinctions fail to capture the specific needs of fragile states, identified in the Outcome Document of the Summit, which recognizes "the specific development challenges related to peacebuilding and early recovery in countries affected by conflict and the effect of these challenges on their efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals."

As leaders return from the Summit, reflecting on progress made and challenges ahead, it is critical that they stop to assess current efforts in fragile and post-conflict states. These countries are furthest from achieving the MDGs, the most in need, and those most at risk of relapsing into conflict or failing - presenting real security challenges both regionally and globally. Any action plan moving forward requires a specific focus on the MDG ‘laggards' to ensure that they are not left out of any ‘big push' for the achievement of the MDGs over the next five years.

Megan Gleason is a Program Officer in the Peacebuilding and Statebuilding Program at the Center on International Cooperation at New York University.  She holds a Masters degree in International Relations from New York University's Center for Global Affairs.

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Tags: | MDG | poverty |
 
Comments
Christopher  Connolly

October 14, 2010

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I agree with increased concentration on LDCs. This is not only because the situation in these countries is more dire - it is also because continued aid to middle-income countries maintains a dependency counterproductive to sustainable development. William Easterly promotes the idea that “people respond to incentives.” Leaders should emphasize this approach in addressing the LDCs (and that the approach to these countries should be different than middle-income countries), recognizing that more aid to poorly performing countries may not encourage positive change - it may do just the opposite.
 
Diana  Lau

October 20, 2010

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I agree in part with the MDG as a guide for aid as being questionable. Many of these countries are completely vulnerable to other situations such as government collapse and food shortages, goals should be shifted to address the dire and immediate problems.

Although I believe providing aid to a country does assist in some aspect, I think we have to look at how the funds are being allocated. I fear that much of the aid is not being distributed to the groups of people that are in dire need. In addition, although the aid does help, I am not sure how it will help in the long run, where the people are just completely dependent on the aid with no other option. What happens when there is a problem and food is not available?

I believe we should be utilizing some of this aid towards implementing programs that will help locals learn how to sustain themselves and somehow work themselves out of poverty. I am not sure what this exactly entails, whether its starting programs to teach a trade or skill, or providing seed money to start a small business for a family or community, but long-term goals should be addressed in addition to providing short-term support.
 
Erica  Mukherjee

November 4, 2010

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In 2008 the Copenhagen Consensus met to first look at the global challenges facing us today and then to decide what the most cost-effective measures would be to tackle these questions. 5 of the top 10 measures were very specific and mostly dealt with malnutrition and health. For instance, the number one solution to the global challenge of malnutrition was dispersing micronutrients such as vitamin A and zinc to children. Other measures deemed to be very cost-effective were deworming and salt iodization.

None of these cost-effective solutions fell under the sweeping purview of the MDGs. One of the reasons that these measures may not be working in above-mentioned frail states is because they are too vague to be implemented in a society with a bureaucracy that ineffectual if it is even functioning.

Rather than try for big push measures that may make headlines in the Western it is more cost-effective to adopt smaller, more specific measures that can still make an impact in general health and wellness. Being non-perishable and of little market value these types of goods also have a better chance of getting through layers of corruption and violence and to the people who need them the most.

While security, stability, and development are good long-term goals, immediate measures can and should take place.
 
Meital  Tzobotaro

November 5, 2010

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Personally, I am quite skeptic about the MDGs. I believe that many of the goals are repetitions of already existing initiative on the ground and that the one size fit all model has proven not to be the most beneficial and cost effective method for development.

The targets put forward by the MDGs were skewed from the beginning. Prior to the inception of the MDGs, China and India were already leading in cutting their population under the poverty line considerably; therefore, seeing an overall reduction in global poverty is not a representative of a successful MDG.

I agree with the author's point that conflict areas are more prone to slower progress, although it is hard to single that factor out as the cause. There has been slow change and progress in other countries as well, that are not conflict ridden.

Instead of continuing with large global initiatives that try to fix all problems with billions of dollars, my take is that tackling small projects one at a time, with customized programmatic approaches and targets may turn out to be more beneficial.
 
Ximena  Benavente

November 8, 2010

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Ten years ago the world decided on the 8 most important issues that needed immediate resolution. The world today is probably not much different from what it look in 2010 but certain criteria to achieve the MDG are already obsolete. I think there has been a clear disconnection between national governments and the United Nations between the methods and the theory. LDCs cannot survive on pure aid, besides the fact that this money does not achieve its purpose most of the time. Developing countries infamous corruption and bureaucratic systems just distribute aid money to government functionaries alone. So where is the aid that rich countries give year by year? It is definitely not showing in the lower sectors of society as it not reflecting in middle-income populations.

LDCs should receive incentives to development and a well-structured plan for institutional building. This should integrate a mentor and local capacity building. This latter is the only way to achieve progress towards the MDG and establish the same global priorities.

On the other hand, the United Nations should revise the MDGs and adapt newer ones according to each countries needs. It might be a long and hectic process but not all countries function with the same rules. If we want to ensure efficiency, there should be a country assessment on their stage in achieving the MDG and future strategies.
 
Unregistered User

January 25, 2011

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Personally, I fully agree with Meital Tzobotaro's scepticism on the MDGs. There is a big problem of the one size fits all approach which does not take local, regional and national differences into account. Furthermore, as Christopher Connolly mentions, aid does not always have positive effects. It can also create needs that did not exist previously and it does not always reach out to the poorest of the poor and most needy but gets lost in the hands of government officials and contractors rather than aiding the general population. Apart from that I also find the MDGs rather superficial and achieving those goals does no say too much about the standards of achievements . Taking education as an example - the goal is to enable all boys and girls to achieve full primary education. This, however does not say much about the actual quality of education. I recently conducted a research project in Nairobi, Kenya where state primary schools do not charge tuition fees anymore but are of pretty bad quality. Classes are too full and issues such as corruption prevail so that many Kenyan parents try to send their children to private schools.

Thus, rather than having global goals that are defined in such a simple manner one should step away from these global blueprint approaches and take national differences into account to create specific development goals. Furthermore these goals focus on the traditional areas of economics, education, health, environment and gender but do not take into account more holistic approaches such as wellbeing.

Whilst acknowleding the need for a different approach for post-conflict countries and fragile states might be a crucial step but is also a step in the wrong direction because it is making the same mistake again: creating a blue-print approach for conflict countries even though the reasons for conflict and the nature of it in the various countries are totally different and create different issues.

Therefore I feel that it is time to move away from global approaches, they might be a nice guideline to look at general developments but should not be used to determine action and to fully assess the situation on the ground. And development practitioners should really consider the usefulness of ideas such as the MDGs when looking at the current outcomes and also taking into account the effects of aid in recent years.
 

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