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January 21, 2010 |  9 comments |  Print  Your Opinion  

Tobias  Fella

Obama's Foreign Policy: The Right Grand Strategy

Tobias Fella: The Obama Administration returns to the logic of liberal hegemony. Nowadays, global
challenges require an approach based on multilateral cooperation, smart power and the acknowledgment of security interdependence. The new American Grand Strategy precisely takes all of them into account.

President Obama has been in office for one year now. No American president since the Cold War has ever faced such a daunting tangle of foreign policy challenges, not to mention domestic issues like health care and a mounting public dept. Still, after eight years of a foreign policy, based on unilateralism, military supremacy and imperial ambition resulting in a relative decline of American power, he opted for a renewed leadership in a time of shifting geopolitics and economic crisis.

The problems are numerous and complex: two unfinished wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, an unstable Pakistan facing crawling Taliban spread, the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict, hostile would-be nuclear-power regimes, climate change, the world economic recession, a rising China and an ever more self-confident Russia. Under these difficult circumstances, the Obama administration should not be blamed for not having achieved it all yet. Does this extensive list of breakthroughs correspond to a larger and fully comprehensive American approach – a new grand strategy ? Are all theses challenges meant to lead to a true renewed American Leadership?

There is such a Grand Strategy, based on the logic of liberal hegemony and security interdependence.

The new administration wants to act as a benign hegemon again. To achieve this,  Obama took one step backwards to multilateralism, soft/smart power, and advocating a broader interpretation of national interest and cooperation in order to retain America’s status as an indispensable nation. He moreover articulated a moderate internationalist approach, built  on both realist and liberal orientations: on the one hand, the new strategy is realist when acknowledging the limits of US-power an increasingly multipolar world, and liberal on the other hand in its inclination towards multilateralism, engagement and progressive change. As Obama puts it himself: “We can and should lead the world, but we have to apply wisdom and judgment. Part of our capacity to lead is linked to our capacity to show restraint.”

For the new administration, the threats of the 21st century reflect the constantly growing security interdependence. This means that America’s security is from now on intertwined with how other people act, live, burn energy, threaten minorities, enforce treaties and provide public health.

Consequently Obama focused on the damaged Non-Proliferation Treaty, multilateral cooperation, development and human security. Furthermore he wanted the United States to be the one provider of global governance again like Washington did when organizing and managing the Western order right after World War II. America chose to endorse the heavy burden of providing a stable international order by operating mostly within rules and institutions. In return, the world accepted the American leadership. The Bush administration, obviously changed course with its unilateral policy approach and searched for a new imperial global order as opposed Obama, who made a step backwards in his attempt to restore the old form of liberal hegemony.

In today’s world, the United States has to share power to be secure, which means that in this very time of limited power resources, the United States needs to rely on other nations’ support to ensure global security. In order to remain the world’s leading nation, Washington needs to regain authority and respect as a global leader. In a year's time, the Obama Administration has successfully started the process of gaining this leadership back in spite of what critics may say. Of course, the question of whether or not his new engagement strategy – with special regards to Russia and Iran – will work out, is still open. Yet, he has at least another three more years to convince us it will.

Tobias Fella studies international relations at Ludwig-Maximillians University in Munich.

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Greg Randolph Lawson

January 21, 2010

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President Obama's vision of foreign policy will fail.

Unfortunately, so did George W. Bush's and so, likely, will the next President and the one after that. This will continue so long as Presidents and policy makers that refuse to, at least quietly, acknowledge that it is "Man" as "Man" that drives the problems of international relations. Obama seems to be, his "Niebuhrian" utterances aside, a progressive through and through who believes, that whatever flaws are immanent in man for the moment, they can eventually be overcome through wisdom and careful calibration of policy. Knowledge, science, and reason will set us on the right path in this point of view.

Sadly, irrationality reigns supreme. International cooperation can only ocurr when interests converge. This can happen on occassion, but it will be the exception, not the rule. I commented on another site what I think the fundamental problem of international relations is and why:

"I tend to think the propensity for violence is hardwired into human nature. While, perhaps, overly simplistic to assert that this is the only reason for international anarchy, if true, it must influence the reasons we ascribe to an anarchical world situation.

If humans were not violent (or covetous, or prideful, etc), then we probably could get along reasonably well and would not have fear of the Hobbesian “State of Nature.” Indeed, would there even be a Hobbesian “State of Nature” under that scenario? It seems that there would be no systemic anarchy if we trusted our fellow man. Even under a Malthusian resource challenge, this would seem to hold if man were not a collection of problematic tendencies waiting to boil over under the right external stimulus.

After all, isn’t systemic anarchy simply the result of a conglomeration of interests and fears of a given group within a defined area that conflict with a similar conglomeration of interests and fears of another group in a different (or in some cases the same) area?

This does raise the troubling prospect that there is no fundamental solution to the problem, at least not in this world. Again, if human nature is what drives anarchy, then how can a “Leviathan” or legal institutions be completely trusted to put an end to the very root of the problem when they are created and run by those who suffer from the same malady?

Indeed, maybe this is why Nietzsche went insane (at least if one likes to indulge in a bit of nostalgic romanticism). He saw what a world devoid of ethereal transcendence really would be."

My last statement probably opens up a virtual "Pandora's Box" but I think it must be addressed. We tinker with solutions on the periphery, not with the elements that really are decisive.

 
Unregistered User

January 22, 2010

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I don't think anybody will disagree, the Israel-Palestine conflict is one or not the most important
international conflict, which needs to be brought to a conclusion.
I always enjoy reading some of the most eloquent communications on subjects such as
" Obama's Foreign Policy/ The Right Grand Strategy".
Unfortunately political reality follows different dynamics. In The Jerusalem Post on-line of January 21,
comments from the Obama administration puts all this into a quite clear perspective,
".......President Obama said his administration overestimated its ability to persuade the Israelis and
Palestinians to resume meaningful peace talks..."
"...Obama says the US will continue to work toward a two-state solution, in which Israel is secure
and the Palestinians have sovereignty..."
Could this be indicative of a fragile leadership position of a nation?

HRF



 
Greg Randolph Lawson

January 22, 2010

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Having previously previously defended President Bush as not being an abject failure in a comment to another article, I thought I should clarify what I mean by "failure" above.

The "failure" I refer to is a failure of grand design. President Bush, while as I argued previously, did have more positive accomplishments than the conventional wisdom asserts, did not "End Tyranny" in this world on his watch as he confidently asserted in his Second Innaugaral. In fact, one could reasonably argue that freedom on a global scale was declining during his Second Term. This failure was a philosophical failure. Bush's "muscular Wilsonianism", while a moral gambit of epic proportion, failed to reflect a proper acknowledgment of the anarchical structure of the world and its interrelationships. Bush would have done better to embrace a bit more Machiavellianism in his, at least initial, approach to Iraq. He also would have recognized that the abstract notion of "freedom" may make good rhetoric, but does not wrestle with the dirt and grime of the street in Baghdad or Kabul. Perhaps, the rise of Hamas in Gaza would have been avoided had Bush acknoweldged more nuance and realized an election was inappropriate at that time and would not reflect the vaules that would be in American (or arguably Israeli or Palestinian) interest.

These mistakes were philosophical. So are Obama's. While Bush put too much faith in America's ability to do good, Obama places too much confidence in institutions and legal reasoning that are either the direct product of corrupted people or are, over time, corrupted at the core. Obama seeks to reclaim a supposedly lost legitimacy in the eyes of the global community. Unfortunately, there is no "global community." There are ever shifting alliances and partnerships that reflect the exigencies of particular moments in time. In this, his conception of international relations and President Bush's are equally flawed.

Best to see the world for what it is. One can then adapt strategies to reality, not fantasy.

In the future, we should examine how a true "global community" can come into being that is built on something more than materialism, but this moves towards the opened "Pandora's Box" I refer to above.
 
Unregistered User

January 26, 2010

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This article on the sharing of security across international lines, along with its readers' comments, are indeed welcome. They point to a need to review the "Great Man Theory of History" as it is tempered by the realities of policies based on structural ties among nations and regions.

One ingredient in this discussion appears to be missing. This is the attitude of the American people to foreign policy today. This attitude is directly influenced by US domestic policy which is now suffering through a period of a $12 trillion deficit that is seen as increasingly linking the country to the will of powers abroad, namely China. Just how to respond to further domestic demands, such as health care and the need for job creation, will also influence foreign ties that include economic development, aid, and security considerations.

Though America will continue to provide a safety and military security net abroad, it is possible that rising domestic concerns will steer the US towards a more cautious focus towards its foreign policy. This focus may include an increased attention to hemispheric concerns. Moreover, the Obama presidency has given scant attention to the EU as a region not only because of a withdrawal from the Wilsonian 'Save the World for Democracy" approach of the previous administration,but because of the EU's own lack of coherence as a bloc. This experience is a shared one as well.
 
Tobias  Fella

January 26, 2010

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You are right Ann. If a country spends more on guns or security, it has fewer resources to devote to butter (private consumption), social welfare or investment stimulating economic growth.

I am not sure, if the American people are willing to support large defense spending and international engagement in times of a huge account deficit, financial crisis and costly wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. But what would be the alternative, if the United States couldn't sustain its role as the predominant provider of global security and stability anymore? Would it be on European states to start refocusing puplic expenditure on their countries' core tasks, devoting more resources to external security?

 
Unregistered User

January 26, 2010

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Tobias, Thank you for your comments. I think that many Americans look forward to a more active role from the EU, especially from a defense perspective. There is, for example, a Rapid Reaction Force that can be built upon. Other activities might be a real consideration of Russia's future role. According to many analysts,this role entails increasing influence on the eastern and newer members of the EU, or those that were until recently part of the Soviet bloc. This influence is expected to be energy-derived. Additional influence will come with the Russian-German Nordstream pipeline and its capacity to provide over 33% of the EU's gas needs.

These are EU issues that many would like to be confronted and clarified in light of what we hope will be an enhanced US-EU relationship. The US and the EU have a clear potential to function not as alternatives, but rather in a complementary way.
Tags: | US | EU Foreign Policy |
 
Tobias  Fella

January 27, 2010

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Ann, as long as Europeans and American share common interests, Washington would indeed encourage the EU to a more active role in international affairs. We face the same challenges threatening our security, and both of us have a strong interest in a stabile and peaceful global order.

But maybe Europe and the United States disagree on how to achieve this, especially after 9/11. One difference lies, for example, in the way terrorism is dealt with: the U.S. is involved in a "war on terrorism" relying on military power to ensure its national security, while Europeans tend to the use of civilian tools. So would Washington still look forward to a more active European role in international affairs, when it views the European approach to engage today's security challenges as wrong and misleading?
Tags: | US | EU Foreign Policy |
 
Rebecca Ann Greenwald

January 29, 2010

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I think that it's refreshing to see a shift in American foreign policy to a more multilateral approach. I would disagree when he refers to this as a step backwards. I suppose it is only a step backwards in that it means that the US gives up some of its relative power in doing so, but the strategy is ultimately a step forward for the United States since we are far more powerful in achieving our diplomatic objectives when we have the support of the global community.

I agree with the statement that Obama should not be chastised for not having achieved all of their foreign policy objectives yet. In all honesty most of the goals he has set out will likely not come to fruition until after his first term or even second term (if he is re-elected).

My favorite statement in the piece was the one that said "the new strategy is realist when acknowledging the limits of US-power an increasingly multipolar world, and liberal on the other hand in its inclination towards multilateralism, engagement and progressive change". I think was a poignant summary from a theoretical perspective of the balance that Obama is trying to strike.
 
Tobias  Fella

January 29, 2010

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Some of you critized Obama's foreign policy as utopian and based on rather words than performance. However the President worked wonders in restoring American soft power in his first year of office. In many countries opinions of the United States are now more positive as they were in times of the Bush administration. Of course, soft power alone rarely solves hard security issues, but it can create an enabling environment for policy. Anyway the Administration speaks of "smart power", which combines soft and hard power ressources.

The Obama administration also avoided the disaster of a 1930s-style depression. The President launched not only a huge economic stimulus package at home, but also was a succesful coordinator of international cooperation. In contrast to Roosevelt he avoided protectionist measures. Further he was able to keep the pressure on Iran, while winning support for sanctions from Russia and China. And with regard to the Middle East, he reestablished the U.S. role as a fair-minded and assertive mediator, when it comes to attaining peace between Israel and Palestine.

Of course, the big challenges lie ahead. But President Obama is off to a much better start than most of his critics admit.

 

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