At the 1964 Republican National
Convention, Barry Goldwater declared "extremism in defense of liberty is
no vice," and he was criticized by many who said the statement did not
reflect American values.
"Extremism in the name of
security is no vice" may well be the operating philosophy for which the
Bush administration is remembered. There is a growing list of U.S. government
actions, both domestic and abroad, that show abuse of law and blatant
indifference to human rights - all in the name of security.
These actions shape America's
image abroad and undermine our strategic objectives.
American courts already are
under way with what is likely to be decades of judicial revisiting of Bush
administration decisions pertaining to detention, interrogation, torture and
eavesdropping.
Even a conservative Supreme
Court is speaking clearly about the rule of law. Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
wrote in June's Boumediene decision, holding that detainees at Guantanamo have
the right to habeas corpus: "The law and Constitution are designed to
survive, and remain in force, in extraordinary times. Liberty and security can
be reconciled; and in our system they are reconciled within the framework of
the law."
It will take time to repair the
damage done to America's image abroad. The perception of any country is shaped
by a series of events that create a general image. These events are cast as
human interest stories by the foreign media, including those in countries where
a central U.S. foreign policy objective is to promote democracy and human
rights.
In the past, America was held up
as the model of democratic practice. That our government has been taking
shortcuts in the name of security is not lost on foreign observers. The July 24
Economist notes: "America's claim to be a beacon of freedom in a dark
world has been dimmed by Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib and the flouting of the Geneva
Conventions amid the panicky 'unipolar' posturing in the aftermath of September
11."
America set a high standard for
due process protections that require the state to strictly follow certain
procedures to protect the accused. Recently released Department of Justice
memos drafted to provide legal cover for "waterboarding" as an
interrogation tool undercut this reputation. So does the U.S. government's
misuse of the material witness statute.
More than 70 individuals have
been held in terrorism investigations under the federal material witness law
since the 9/11 attacks, according to a report by Human Rights Watch. Material
witness laws are meant to ensure that people with important information do not
disappear before testifying. But the U.S. government deliberately used the law
to secure the indefinite incarceration of those it wanted to investigate as
possible terrorism suspects.
In these cases, people held as
material witnesses in terrorism investigations were often not called to testify
against others. They lack constitutional protections, such as the requirement
that criminal suspects in custody be informed of their Miranda rights.
Moreover, they are often held for long periods in the same harsh conditions as
those formally charged with very serious crimes.
American credibility as a
standard setter in human rights suffered a major setback with reports that the
CIA ran secret prisons in Eastern Europe to interrogate terrorism suspects
using brutal methods that international agreements define as torture. It's
illegal for the U.S. government to hold prisoners in isolation in secret
prisons in the U.S. The CIA's internment practices are likewise illegal under the
laws of all the new democracies of Eastern Europe.
Indeed, the State Department
publishes an annual "Human Rights Report" to inhibit in foreign lands
just the kind of prisoner abuse that was alleged. The Japan Times warned soon
after America occupied Afghanistan that the "war against extremism was
fought on behalf of fundamental values, such as respect for human rights and
the rule of law. The U.S. decision to deny its detainees the protections
afforded them by international law undermines both of these bedrock
principles."
These and other government
actions showing blatant disregard for the law have reshaped America's global
image. During the 1990s, views of the U.S. were generally positive. A 1999
State Department survey showed that favorable views of the U.S. were held by 83
percent of respondents in Britain, 77 percent in Morocco, 75 percent in
Indonesia and 62 percent in Turkey. The 2008 BBC World Service poll across 34
countries found that only 32 percent of respondents said the U.S. is having a positive
influence in the world.
Right after 9/11, the U.S.
benefited from global solidarity. Today it is largely alone, disliked and
mistrusted, with worldwide consensus that in the key area of human rights and
the rule of law, the U.S. disgraced itself. An editorial that ran several
months after 9/11 in the Czech Republic's Prague Post warned of this:
"Ironically, it is America's enduring respect for personal freedom that
makes it a world leader and the envy of terrorist brigands. American laws work
remarkably well despite their flaws - and millions have left their homelands to
enjoy the fruits of an open society. It is easy in these leaden days to suggest
that federal rules must be overhauled to ensure that the guilty are rooted out
and punished. Too easy. The bylaws of the United States do not exist in
splendid isolation. They are models worthy of imitation."
Mark Brzezinski was the director of Southeast European and Russian/Eurasian affairs at the National Security Council at the White House. Currently he is a partner
in the D.C. office of the law firm McGuireWoods, where he manages the
international practice. He is a member of Atlantic Community's advisory board.
Lanny A. Breuer is a partner
in the D.C. office of the law firm Covington & Burling, where he co-chairs
the White Collar Defense and Investigations practice group.
This article was originally
published in the Washington Times on August 28th and is republished here with Dr Brzezinski's kind permission.
Related materials from the Atlantic Community:
- Christine Otsver: A Common US-EU Strategy of Democracy Promotion is Feasible
- Wess Mitchell: How America Should Respond to Resurgent Russia
- Valentine Anatolevich Akishkin: The Shadow of Serious Transformation in US Foreign Policy



September 4, 2008
Donald Stadler, Self-employed, Diamond Contributor (1052)
"Right after 9/11, the U.S. benefited from global solidarity"
For how long, a week or two? And in whqat material ways did the US 'benefit' from this supposed global 'solidarity'. What I was seeing from Europe at the time is 'We'll vote to invoke Clause 5, but it's unthinkable that you (or we, especially we) can actually DO anything. You must take your deserved chastisement in humility and do nothing to forestall this happening again".
A few exceptions, not many. It was ballocks then and it's ballocks now.