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September 23, 2011 |  8 comments |  Print  Your Opinion  

Why Europe Should Vote 'Yes' on Palestine

Anno Bunnik: On Friday, 193 UN member states formally received Palestine’s request for statehood. This is a bold move with potential to bring about Israeli-Palestinian peace, and one that will impact future strategic relations in the Arab world. The UN should vote in favor of accession.

Looking at a map of the countries that recognize the state of Palestine, it is evident that only Western Europe and the US remain reluctant to support the Palestinians in their statehood aspirations. As Europe's weight in world politics is shrinking it is important to side not just with Israel, but with both nations.

Three core reasons underpin the necessity to support the Palestinian bid. The first argument is rooted in the history of the conflict. In 1948, David Ben-Gurion proclaimed the state of Israel a day before the British left Palestine. He did not wait to negotiate with UN representatives, the Arab Palestinians or superpowers USA and USSR to obtain his goal of a Jewish state.

Ben-Gurion and his fighters proclaimed ownership, for the Jewish people, over the land that they either bought or concurred from the Arab Palestinians and the British colonial rulers. This proved to be a bold and successful strategy. Bold because it unleashed the armies of Arab states on the new state and successful because it not only managed to win the Arab-Israeli war, but also gain support and recognition from both superpowers.

Now, the Palestinian Authority dares to take an equally bold step, grabbing the bull of history by the horns. For its attempt to achieve statehood just as Israel did in 1948, Palestine's strategy deserves praise.

The second reason the UN should vote in favor of accession is that every past attempt at negotiation between the two sides has failed. Since 1948, the Palestinians have made various attempts to regain the land they consider their homeland. Initially, they relied on certain Arab states - Egypt, Syria and Jordan - to defeat Israel in war. These wars proved unsuccessful for the Arabs, however, and Palestinians increasingly sought to take charge of their own fate. Terrorism increasingly became a primary weapon of choice, as the marginalized, divided and ill-equipped fighters deemed this the only viable strategy to combat a far stronger enemy.

But Palestinian terrorist attacks were met with Israeli retaliation, and only brought the Palestinians more repression as international support for Jerusalem increased. Terrorism, once again, proved to be a counterproductive tactic.

The Palestinian leadership seemed to become increasingly aware that it had to recognize Israel and lay down arms to have any chance of obtaining a Palestinian state. It did so by signing the Oslo accords in 1993, in which the PLO recognized the state of Israel on 78 percent of the former British mandate of Palestine. Israel, however, did not recognize the state of Palestine on the remaining 22 percent.

The agreement's asymmetric nature proved to be its downfall and, consequently, negotiations over the past two decades have been fruitless. With negotiations deadlocked and settlement construction 'eating away' Palestinian land, it is admirable that the Palestinian Authority now chooses a third way: recognition by the UN.

Finally, the Arab Spring - or Arab Awakening - has sent shock waves through the world, and provides new geopolitical impetus for the UN to vote in favor of accession. Arab citizens no longer accept their rights trampled on by dictators. They have risen for freedom and seek to bring an end to endemic corruption and the self-enriching elites that have ruled most of the Middle East for decades.

Just as Europe is rightly proud of the French Revolution, it should also fully support the Arab Bastille moment. This awakening is not just about social justice for the Egyptians or Syrians but also for the Palestinians; to live in freedom and dignity and master their own destiny. Whatever governments will be formed in the ongoing transition, one aspect is set in stone: the new Egypt, Tunisia and Libya (and Syria and Yemen?) will strongly support a Palestinian state.

For Europe, it is time to recognize the Palestinian initiative as not just a bold strategy for peace, but as a momentum-changer that could determine future relations with the Arab world. Europe should choose to build strategic relations with the new Middle East, fostering peace, political liberalization and economic development. A first step in that strategy would be voting ‘yes' in Friday's vote, and recognize not just the state of Israel, but also the state of Palestine alongside it.

Anno Bunnik is a freelance political analyst from the Netherlands, currently working on a project for The Pax Ludens Foundation. He is mainly interested in Middle Eastern affairs, new security challenges and contemporary violent conflicts.

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Alexander Josef Pilic

September 23, 2011

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I like the idea of a democratic Palestine and I think that a two-state solution will eventually be the best strategy to accomplish a peaceful and stable setting in the Middle East. If this article was about Israel I would even dare to say that Israel would deserve much more criticism from Western leaders and I would argue that Zionism and even the tragedy of the Holocaust are quite weak arguments for occupying a land lost many centuries ago and are even less feasible as "Leitmotive" for Israeli policies.

The history of Jews and Arabs in Palastine and later Israel is very colorful to say the least. Not to forget all the political games Arab leaders, the Turks and the British played. But we have what we have in the Middle East and there's no way to turn back time to solve current issues.

In 1947 if I remember correctly the UN presented a plan to divide Palestine in a Jewish and an Arab state. It was ratified by the UN and accepted by the Jewish. Arabs answered with war, and consecutively tried to root out Israel in obvious defiance of the UN resolution.

The Oslo peace process of the 90's was a sign of hope for reconciliation but it was shattered by the various Intifadas. The continous thread of terrorism for Israelis could only be controlled by erecting a monstrous wall, not by the good-will of the Palestinian leadership.

Unfortunately the Arab Spring did not take place in the Westbank or the Gaza Strip, and by the way we still do not know what the results of the popular movements in Egypt, Libya or Syria will be. For sure we know that many Egyptians, Libyans and still Syrians(!) risked or lost their lifes to stand up against their respective dictators. Palestinians did not. Hammas and the corrupt heirs of Arafat are still around and even seem to be popular with the crowds.

I do not agree with Mr. Bunnik that Europe should support this Palestinian leadership with a Yes vote. There is still some cleaning up to do.
 
Niklas  Anzinger

September 23, 2011

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The PA has not developed capabilities for statehood whatsoever. They have neither territorial control, nor popular legitimacy, nor have they ever expressed the will to accept a Jewish state. All Palestinian officials claimed that several times, including Abbas, and there is no Palestinian newspaper in which one can argue in favor of accepting the Jewish state - you can just read endless pieces of incitement, revisionism and open hatred (in Arabic). When the people have free press and opinion, and people can argue in favor of accepting Israel, the time has come to accept a Palestinian state.

But at the time we are very far away from that. Peace will be reached bilaterally on the negotiation table, not in a one-sided bid for statehood. It would only cause more trouble and violence, because a Palestinian half-accepted state in the General Assembly is only calculated as a means to enhance lawfare activities against Israel, which are - when not in favor of the Palestinians - likely to cause more aggressive actions, as long as Hamas is still firing rockets and so on and so forth ...

A Palestinian state is of course also in the interest of the Israelis, but an unfree Palestinian state between a free Israeli state is not going to persist nor bringing peace.

In my opinion, the PA has such a crass record of failures that it is the time to sanction their behavior. The only perspective for change is abandonment of the Palestinian narrative that the Zionists invaded their homeland and criticism of their own historical role. Along with a full disarmament of Hamas. Even Abbas knows that without controlling the Gaza strip there is not the slightest possibility for statehood. Yet, I suspice him that this may not be his ultimate aim.
 
Pamela  Faber

September 23, 2011

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While I agree that the impending vote on Palestinian statehood is reminiscent of Israel’s bold moves in ’48, it is necessary to consider wider factors with regard to Western Europe’s interaction with the Palestinian people and leadership in order to comprehend Europe’s current posturing. Western Europe has in fact had a long history of supporting Palestinian action through diplomatic relationships, direct aid and international influence as a member of the Quartet.

The EU has also been the most visible monetary player throughout by providing over half of the global aid which goes toward the mid-east peace process, aid which was primarily aimed toward Palestinian development and governmental reform. Western Europe has thus already shown its ability and willingness to side not only with Israel.

In my opinion, Western Europe’s reluctance to unquestionably support Palestinian statehood has much more to do with Europe’s currently precarious relationship with the U.S., and not due to wavering support of the Palestinians. Europe’s relationship with the U.S. has long been a significant factor in Europe’s actions in Israel/Palestine, with different Western European states espousing more or less support for Palestinian rights, arguably due to the relative strength of their relationships with the U.S. A quick look at the UK’s actions compared to the actions of France illustrates this point, as both nations have used the conflict in Israel/Palestine to either support or challenge U.S. policy. While this is of course not the sole influencing factor, the notion of Palestinian statehood has, I believe, been thrown about in an attempt for larger powers to flex their diplomatic muscles and forge relationships or conflicts with one another.

I think the above point is relevant to the notion that all previous attempts at peace have failed. Manipulation from outside forces may have also played a role in this, and a decision regarding the UN vote may be no different. A vote of “yes” or “no” on Palestinian statehood from Western European states should therefore be considered within the context of the wider state and power structures.
 
Anno  Bunnik

September 26, 2011

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Thanks for your comments. Really enjoyed reading your views, Pamela, on the dynamics of Europe's relationship with the US. This move by the Palestinians also highlights growing frustration with the US as the only broker, who in their view has failed to contain Netanyahu.

Let us not forget that last year during Biden's visit to 'Bibi', the Israeli government unveiled a statement on continued settlement activity on East Jerusalem. This was a massive slap in the face of the Obama administration and the US since then has failed to contain the Israeli government in its settlement's policy.

For the Palestinians this was a clear sign that American influence globally is diminishing. Combined with the popular uprisings against dictatorships in the Arab world it makes perfect sense that Palestinians too desire freedom, peace and justice. They have stepped in the footssteps of their 'Arab brothers', taking a bold and risky step to take matters in their own hands.

After all, negotiations have been fruitless for roughly 20 years. As The Economist pointed out so eloquently, does it make sense to negotiate over a pizza when one of the parties keeps eating the pizza at the same time? By the time you reach an agreement you are just left with the crumbs. When counting the massive growth of settlers on the West Bank and in East Jerusalem (roughly half a million) during the peace process, it becomes evident that a bold step is required before there is no land left to fight for.

Moreover, this proposol does not delegitise Israel. It simply seeks a mere 22% of their original homeland whilst recognising 78% will always and eternally be Israel's. Therefore, we can only draw one conclusion: this plan is modest and makes sense. All those who have an interest to stablise the region should support it and therefore take the wind out of the sails of radicals and extremists. By shooting down this proposal we will only take away hope and, consequently, empower extremists views in the region (Hamas, Hezbullah, Iran) whilst at the same time disrupt relations between the West and Arab world.
 
Niklas  Anzinger

September 27, 2011

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Mr. Bunnik,

your claims make all perfectly sense under the premise that Israeli settlements are the root cause of the conflict. Yet, this is a total misperception. Neither settlement freezes, moratoriums, nor withdrawals (Gaza) and landswap proposals (the plans are in the record and swaps would easily cover expenses on both sides) could change the true cause: the missing willingness of the Palestinians and the Arab world to accept Israel as a Jewish state. That should be the very premise of negotiations - the Israelis are ready to share their land, every poll indicates that, yet they want of course to be at least accepted. Meanwhile, the Palestinians are not, every poll indicates that, at least in the long term willing to accept a Jewish state (also PA officials constantly claim that they will not accept Jewish presence in the West Bank).
 
Mathew  Shearman

October 4, 2011

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Mr. Bunnik,

Developments since the declaration of statehood in the UN have only served to strengthen your argument. Romantic notions of the French Revolution aside, emerging trends and hard headed diplomacy suggest that the European states should dissent from the American line. The fact is that the US is losing the ability to manipulate the two sides into meeting around a negotiating table and Europe would do well to engage more stridently with the issue.

Firstly, I would be careful linking the declaration of Statehood by Palestine to the Arab Spring. Rather, it has been a long held and slowly pursued aim of the Palestinian Authority. A year ago Salam Fayyad, head of the P.A, issued a one year countdown to statehood. This document kicked off a policy of institution building that, it was imagined, would lead the palestinian people and outside world to see the adoption of statehood as 'inevitable'. (see Danin, Jan 2011). The timing is less in relation to 'muslim brothers' than the culmination of a year's design.

Upon this background, the US response to both Palestine's declaration of statehood and Israel's own actions emphasises the increasing inability of the US to act as the sole negotiator between the two sides. Firstly, by blocking $240m in aid to Palestine, seemingly in a reproach for the declaration, they have done little to convince the PA to once again follow American lead on the issue after a year's preparation, nor counter accusations of an irrevocable bias.

Furthermore, the failure to respond in a similar manner to the resumption of settlement building last week emphasises the extent to which the US is being sidelined by both and not just one side. The US response was perhaps predictable, considering that the Obama administration's first veto was used against a UN condemnation of the same back in February, but in enabling Israel to dissent from a major crux of the peace talks at such a critical time serves only to show that both parties are currently free to circumnavigate the parameters of the peace negotiations at will. With this as the norm, it is hard to see any future progress. Whilst diplomatically punishing Israel was politically unviable in the short term, exchanging the carrot for the stick could have yielded long term results in maintaining America's role as the arbiter of the conflict. As it is, The US has a unwieldy ally and looks more isolated than ever.

Moral claims aside then, European member states would do well to invest in the changing dynamic of this conflict. It is hard to see how a successful bid would solve the major issues but an act of faith now in the formation of a Palestinian state would win a much more prized commodity than any incremental change in its relationship with the US. A support for statehood would win allies and friends not just in Palestine, but would buy a good degree of much needed political capital across the Islamic world.
 
Anno  Bunnik

October 4, 2011

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Great comment Mathew Shearman. The Arab Spring is not a cause of the statehood bid, but it gives the PA the extra momentum it has so long tried to grasp. For decades Israel has been able to frame the debate and lay out the parameters for peace. Watching Abbas' and Netanyahu's speech at the UNGA it became apparant that, for the first time, the Palestinians hold momentum and are able to set the tone.

Israel is isolating itself in the region and largely has itself to blame. The US has lost the moral legitimacy of being the honoust broker by failing to contain the settlement policy and failing to come up with a comprehensive regional strategy. Obama's approval ratings in the Mid East are extremely low and the Arab street seems frustrated by his lack of action.

Mr. Anzinger, let us agree to disagree. I believe in international law and a just solution based on UN resolution 242 where both sides compromise, but gain more than they loose. You, on the other hand, prefer to blame only party. By blaming one party for the situation, you are in danger of placing yourself in the camp of the radicals. It says a lot that Iran/Hamas etc reject the PA statehood bid.

The extremists oppose peace - let us be aware of that, and side with the two-state solution instead.
 
Niklas  Anzinger

October 5, 2011

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Mr. Shearman,

The Kibbutz Ramat Rachel near Gilo neighborhood is on a hill in the southwestern corner of the capital - with 40.000 inhabitants already, so there is new housing projects in an area that would be in any case (during every negotiation round) part of Israel. Whats the point? Contrary to your statement, the current Israeli government was more willing to freeze settlements and withdraw checkpoints than any other before - without any reciproke step by the PA following. Besides, as I stated, the settlement issue is not the point of the conflict.

Mr. Bunnik,

Abbas himself and nearly all PA officials neglect to accept as a Jewish state, be it International law, what is the point of a peace settlement without recognition of Israel as a Jewish state? Honestly, I see no political force in Palestinian media and official representation that could promote that very issue. Where are the partners for peace on the Palestinian side? The whole point of the statehood bid is to isolate Israel; Abbas walked in the UN to get land without peace. Sovereignty with no reciprocal recognition of a Jewish state. Statehood without negotiations. An independent Palestine in a continued state of war with Israel.

If you do not buy my point that at least the Israeli side is willing for peace, you have to at least honestly admit that the Palestinian side is not.

Besides there is a whole other issue with the legitimacy of Abbas, and the will of Israeli Palestinians to be citizens of a Palestinian state - which is due to several reasons, very low, as recent polls indicate.

If there is any solvent to the conflict, it will not be mediated by the UN, but only in direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.
 

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