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March 8, 2010 |  3 comments |  Print  Your Research  

Roland  Popp

Think Tank Analysis: Yemen: Challenges of Counter-Terrorism

Roland Popp: Counter-terrorism operations in Yemen have proven to be difficult. While the West has recognized that a broad civil-military strategy for Yemen is required, strengthening the central government in Sanaa does not lead to a diminished terrorist threat. Western governments should prioritize the country’s regional integration and mediation efforts.

Since the failed terrorist attack on a passenger aircraft approaching Detroit airport on 25 December 2009, international attention on the situation in Yemen has been increasing. The young Nigerian would-be bomber had apparently been trained in Yemen. Against this background, Western governments in particular have referred to the growing importance of this southern Arabian country as a base and safe haven for the al-Qaida network. Accordingly, the question of counter-terrorism in Yemen has become an important issue in international security policy, at least for the time being.

The US government immediately announced its intention to increase economic and military aid and to intensify counter-terrorism cooperation with the Yemenite security forces. In a conference called at short notice at the end of January 2010 in London, it was decided to create an international grouping, called “Friends of Yemen”. Its mission is to assist Sanaa in addressing the range of challenges facing the country.

The emphasis on reform and assistance for sustainable development indicates that the West has, to some extent, learned from its earlier mistakes in counter-terrorism efforts and no longer places a one-sided emphasis on military and intelligence-based measures. The initial overblown rhetoric identifying Yemen as a third front in the so-called “War on Terrorism”, together with Afghanistan and Iraq, was quickly dampened. Demands for deployments of US troops against “terrorist bases” in Yemen were voiced in Congress, but quickly rebutted.

Nevertheless, doubts remain as to whether the strategy pursued by the Western governments will improve the situation in Yemen. The country’s diverse domestic political interests are a complex affair, marked by conflicts in north and south as well as by socio-economic challenges. The core dilemma of the West is that close cooperation with the central government in Sanaa, which is a near-indispensable part of its counter-terrorism efforts, threatens to aggravate the very same domestic constellation that facilitated the expansion of al-Qaida in Yemen in the first place. Furthermore, the instable situation in Yemen is due to regional factors that must be taken into account in international crisis management.

Unless the local conflicts in Yemen are peacefully resolved and the threat of terrorism is contained, the strategically important region encompassing the Horn of Africa and the south of the Arabian Peninsula is in danger of further destabilization. For the West, the future of Yemen is linked to important security, energy, and business interests. Ignoring the Yemen problem is therefore not an option. Instead, the core challenge is to formulate a strategy that takes the specific local and regional conditions into account.

Roland Popp is a senior researcher at the Center for Security Studies (CSS) in Zurich.

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Djörn  Eversteijn

March 17, 2010

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Indeed the recently made statements depicting Yemen as a potential third front in the so called War on Terrorism present an oversimplification of the current challenges the Yemeni government faces. Although al-Qaeda is believed to have training camps in the mountaineous northern region of the country, it has merely profited from the absence of a strong central Yemeni government and the socio-economic situation in the impoverished and underdeveloped country rather than established a strong base of ideological support amongst the Yemeni population.

A similar situation is developing in Nigeria - the country of origin of the would-be bomber of Northwest Airlines Flight 253 - where international attention, in response to the recent eruption of religious violence, is already assessing the potential for an al-Qaeda foothold in the oil-rich West African country, rather than addressing the country's pressing socio-economic situation or the fragile political system.
 
Evan  Rosenstock

March 17, 2010

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As soon as Yemen became a "third front" of the war on terror, the US immediately responded by sending economic and military aid to the government of Yemen in order to boost its counter-terrorism forces. But it will only be a matter of time before a fourth, and then a fifth front appear in this war, since the areas on this planet where terrorist elements can emerge and fester are essentially limitless. If the US's reaction will be to continue to send economic and military aid to the local governments, then the terrorists are basically winning this war by slowly depleting the resources, not to mention the confidence and political will, of the western powers. Instead of chasing down terrorist elements as soon as they emerge, the "war on terror" should be more focused on preventing a sentiment of hatred and vengeance from emerging in the first place. That is where the US's aid should be directed.
 
Somdeep  Sen

April 1, 2010

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Djörn, you have quite rightly pointed out the two key (and often underrepresented) elements in the entire debate on terrorism; namely 'socio-economic situation' and 'fragile political system'. Of course, one cannot claim that poverty and weak political systems automatically begets terrorism. But, it wouldn't be too far-fetched to posit that they do provide for social conditions in which radicalism could thrive. That being said I do share Evan's concern with the US's reaction to Yemen, specifically in regards to the economic and military aid but I'm not sure if simple addressing the "sentiment of hatred and vengeance" would do the trick. What the US is doing is simply following what Mohammad Ayoob prescribes in his understanding of 'Third World Security'. It is a reality that 'Third World' countries tend to have competing centers of power within the borders of the state and therefore stability could only be ensured through the consolidation of power at the center. But, when the state isn't able to deliver on the two elements articulated by Djörn, such consolidation of central authority really has no meaning. Ideally, what is needed is a long term commitment to combat the poverty and underdevelopment. Counteracting terrorism at this level may seem far-fetched but in the long run it may prove to be cost-effective. But, the question remains, 'Are we capable and willing to make such a commitment?'
 

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