February 3, 2009 |  3 comments |  Print this Article  Your Research  

MA Thesis: The Ethical Implications of Preventive Warfare

Christia Flourentzou: The 2003 war in Iraq was rationalized through the doctrine of prevention. Yet, the doctrine is unsustainable because it contradicts the laws of war as found in the ‘Just War Tradition.’ Using Pragmatism as the theoretical framework, the argument is that to use prevention is to contradict the liberal identity.

Following 9/11 a new security discourse emerged to describe the security environment of the twenty-first century. The new discourse finds solid expression in the National Security Strategy of 2002 and its prescription of a security policy of pre-emption. Controversy emerges once the argument is deconstructed to reveal a policy of prevention. The policy of preventive war was operationalized in the Iraq (2003) war. Since then, a debate on the ethical implications of preventive warfare has been inaugurated. This paper can be seen in the context of this debate. The central argument is that a security policy of prevention will undermine the moral criteria which determine the ethics of force as found in the Just War tradition. The paper will use pragmatism to defend the Just War as practical.

Section II will discuss the Just War theory as part of the normative international order which determines when states should resort to force (jus ad bellum) and how hostilities ought to be conducted (jus in bello) for any war to be just. Section III will introduce the work of the late American pragmatist, Richard Rorty. Rorty’s post-philosophy rejects the search for absolutes and ahistorical Truths. In his work, moral philosophy becomes a historical narrative and historical contingency can explain why we hold the beliefs that we do. In this way, the Just War tradition is interpreted as the product of the liberal experience with war. Section IV will address the concept of preventive warfare to argue that while preemption is a well established concept in international relations, the latter is morally ambiguous as it advocates war based on suspicion. Section V will empirically illustrate the argument that a policy of preventive war undermines the Just War criteria, using the example of the Iraq war (2003) where appropriate. Finally, the concluding part will offer a pragmatic defense of the Just War.

 
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February 4, 2009

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Christia raises some very fundamental issues here. It becomes uncertain as to how many states do actually put into practice the deliberations that she has highlighted: Kant & Rorty in particular. The question that she has raised has pertinence beyond 9/11 as a terrorist act by a non-state actor! Non-state actors also are religious movements like the Roman Catholic Church and the plethora of American Churches that one sees and that go by the notion of some strain of the Protestant Movement. They have actively been engaged in a warfare against the state-system - at least in India. And one suspects - around the world, in non-christian states and regions. The proverbial dogs-of-war and upon hire and lease policies of their patron churches/organizations. That most of them also pertain to the providing of support for the various non-state actors, engaged in a warfare against their host states is perhaps indicative of the malaise. Preventive warfare against them or the posibility that these non-state forces give rise to and encourage incidents like 9/11?
Without getting into and engaging Rortyover his post-philosophy errors, as put here, one would be very serious into looking at a very conscious re-orientation of a Judaeo-Christian (one wishes that there was only one Church since that would have made these non-state actors in other states more credible in their 'christian' designs) dominance - via such non-state actors and that attempts to feed upon historical narratives as a justification for 1. increasing the number of the 'faithful' that can then somnabulate to the Church. 2. To provide impetus to the 'judaeo-christain' supremacy in a world - where a 9/11 evokes Rorty and Kant.
These particular forces are as divorced from Rorty and Kant as would be the actors of 9/11 (in popular imagination). Then we have talks of non-state actors, which only serves to highlight the existence of the modern state-system - with its own attendant implications over issues like secularization as well as the normative and pragmatic requirements that any modern state would evoke and demand.
I doubt if most European states would manage that or can manage that, France included. The issue of 'just war' of course demands the basic notion of an overt war that is direct. About covert wars that have devastating direct effects for the international community: how does one look at the notion of just war?
9/11 as a non-state actor oriented programme and overt war, and such covert wars along civilizational lines - as non-state state actor oriented covert war demand similar thought and action. Now preventive Just War in a condition of direct warfare, and preventive Just War in a condition of covert warfare that by itself is unjust...One wishes that Nicholas Sarkozy would screech less when he reads about the reports of the dead in overt news, in their covert war.
Of course, then he and many others may need to study Kant and Rorty and also read enough to take Rorty back to school over his post-philosophy. But then, very interesting issues here that has enough implications and that are serious enough for the international community. Obviosuly, the international community is not the judaeo-christain world of this 'multiple church' syndrome! Though these do form a part and parcel of the global population, as do others. Obviously, the term international community refers to the modern state-system and its adherents or those who have surpassed it via certain ideas. It does not refer to the medieval forces as it does not refer to those that caused 9/11 - by the very same yardstick of Just-ness, from where the idea of a 'Just War' has sprung. let us see...
Tags: | just war | terror | religion | state | secularism |
 
Christia  Flourentzou

February 5, 2009

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Thank you for your comment on the thesis.

Just one clarification though. You seem to be using Kant and Rorty together and I wanted to point out that the two cannot really be used together. Whereas Kant spoke of foundations, Rorty spoke of rejecting and transcending foundations. Rorty made his philosophy by rejecting the philosophy of Kant.
 
John  Hadjisky

February 10, 2009

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preventive

"The policy of preventive war was operationalized in the Iraq (2003) war."

This is incorrect. The 2003 phase of the Iraq war did not represent a transition from peace to war. Legally and practically speaking, the war began in 1990 and was suspended in 1991 via a cease-fire agreement with conditions (for example, allowing coalition overflights of certain areas). The 2003 Iraq War was a resumption of the Gulf War after an utterly failed cease-fire.

Self-evidently, resuming a war after a bona fide violation of a cease-fire is considered defensive. What's more, it was not Bush's actions but rather President Clinton's 1998 bombing of military targets in Baghdad (which was not permitted under the rules of the no-fly zones) that marked the definitive end of the cease-fire (although Saddam had violated the cease-fire, sometimes on a daily basis, starting in about 1994).

Since the US-lead coalition had ignored so many violations, and responded in only a limited fashion to other violations, an argument could be made that the 2003 phase of the war had a certain pre-emptive or even preventive character. Nevertheless, the ethical issues surrounding a pre-emptive or preventive resumption of hostilities after a broken cease fire, are very, very different from the ethical issues surrounding a pre-emptive or preventive breaking of the peace.

The ethical implications of preventive war (i.e. initiation of hostilities from a state of peace) deserve discussion, because the Bush administration's National Security Strategy (NSS) did in fact suggest a policy of pre-emptive or even preventive war. Such a policy would be highly problematic, as discussed in your paper. However, that policy was never operational, or at least, not in the case of the Afghanistan or Iraq wars. It is important to emphasize this point, in order to inhibit the United States, or any other country, from claiming the Iraq War as a precedent for some future preventative war.
 

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